x_filesize')); // Sort image tag $OC_sortImg = 'current sort selection'; ?> ࡱ> g bjbjVV >Dr<r<x%4t t ~~~8tL  ",,,kLmLmLmLmLmLmL$N>QL~L,,Lk"k"k"X~,~,kLk"kLk"k"79,K_K8WLL0Lc8\QzQ0998Q~9`k"LL LQt :  A Deweyan Defense of Guerrilla Gardening Word count: 3,245 Paper submission for 2011 SAAP Meeting Abstract In this paper, I formulate a Deweyan argument in support of guerrilla gardening, or the political activity of reclaiming unused urban land, sometimes illicitly, for cultivation and beautification through community gardening. Historically, community gardening in the U.S. has been associated with relief projects during periods of economic downturn and crisis, urban blight and gentrication, as well as nationalism, nativism and racism. Despite these last few unfortunate associations, the American philosopher John Dewey detached school gardening from the nativists tool-kit, portraying it as a gateway to more enriching adult experiences, not as a technique for assimilating immigrant children to a distinctly American way of life. One of those experiences that school gardening can prepare children for is political activism, particularly involvement in gardening movements. Dewey did not mention this collateral benefit. Nevertheless, an argument can be made that garden advocacyor, more specifically, participation in politically-motivated gardening movements such as guerrilla gardeningis an acceptable interpretation, or elaboration, of what Dewey meant by a civic turn to school gardening. Keywords: John Dewey, activism, gardening, environment, nature. A Deweyan Defense of Guerrilla Gardening Starting with the interest and effort of the children, the whole community has become tremendously interested in starting gardens, using every bit of available ground. The district is a poor one and, besides transforming the yards, the gardens have been a real economic help to the people. John Dewey and Evelyn Dewey I do not wait for permission to become a gardener but dig wherever I see horticultural potential. I do not just tend existing gardens but create them from neglected space. I, and thousands of people like me, step out from home to garden land we do not own. We see opportunities all around us. Vacant lots flourish as urban oases, roadside verges dazzle with flowers and crops are harvested from land that we assumed to be fruitless. In all their forms these have become known as guerilla gardeners. Richard Reynolds In this paper, I formulate a Deweyan argument in support of guerrilla gardening, or the political activity of reclaiming unused urban land, sometimes illicitly, for cultivation and beautification through community gardening. Historically, community gardening in the U.S. has been associated with relief projects during periods of economic downturn and crisis, urban blight and gentrication, as well as nationalism, nativism and racism. Despite these last few unfortunate associations, the American philosopher John Dewey detached school gardening from the nativists tool-kit, portraying it as a gateway to more enriching adult experiences, not as a technique for assimilating immigrant children to a distinctly American way of life. One of those experiences that school gardening can prepare children for is political activism, particularly involvement in gardening movements. Dewey did not mention this collateral benefit. Nevertheless, an argument can be made that garden advocacyor, more specifically, participation in politically-motivated gardening movements such as guerrilla gardeningis an acceptable interpretation, or elaboration, of what Dewey meant by a civic turn to school gardening. Philosophy, Gardens and Garden Politics Generally, philosophers have shown little scholarly interest in the activity of gardening. In neglecting the garden, David Cooper notes, philosophy is therefore ignoring not merely a current fashion, but activities and experiences of abiding human significance. Important philosophical questions abound: What is a garden? What are the motivations for gardening? Does cultivating a garden lend itself to cultivating specific virtues? Is gardening a form art and, if so, what kind? When philosophers have explored the significance of gardening, more philosophical energy has been devoted to the artistic, rather than the political, dimension of gardening. One philosopher who does draw the connection between politics and gardening is Isis Brook. She highlights the activitys value as an essential component of human well-being and as an outlet for children to renew contact with nature. Brook also sees gardening as an opportunity for children to be liberated, if just temporarily, from adult supervision, to allow their imagination to range broadly and to face their anxieties about not realizing their potential. Her account of the guerilla gardening movement is worth quoting at length: Politically this [movement] has its roots in the same soil as the community gardening movement which began in the 1970s. The new style acts of guerrilla gardening are usually small and take place in built up areas to try to bring something of nature into the space. This could be through planting up road verges or traffic islands. The planting is done surreptitiously and often a mini garden is established and appreciated before anyone with authority over the land notices. Even sites where there is no access have been turned into havens of wildflowers by creating seed grenade with water filled ballons or Christmas baubles packed with seeds and fertilizer, or the more ecologically respectable seed bombs of moulded compost and plant seeds. Though the idea that school gardening is a gateway to guerilla gardening appears nowhere in Brooks essay, the reader cannot help but notice continuities between those features of a childs nature experience that make adult life more fulfilling and the spirit of environmental activism. So, it can be inferred that while the gardening habit evokes wonder, freedom, patience and action in the child, it also has the potential, especially in adulthood, to translate into politically transformative action. Nature Study and School Gardens In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, policy-makers, educators and philosophers, including Dewey, sought to bring the careful observation and study of nature to primary and secondary school classrooms as part of the nature study movement. The reasoning was that if in childhood people developed a genuine interest in the natural world, both a sentimental fascination and a scientific curiosity, then as they grew older they would almost inevitably seek to preserve their environment. Work in nature study is undergoing reorganization, Dewey wrote, so that pupils shall actually get a feeling for plants and animals, together with some real scientific knowledge, not simply the rather sentimental descriptions and rhapsodizing of literature. One of the nature study movements founders, Liberty Hyde Bailey, noted that the difference between the nature desire and the garden desire is that the former is perpetual and constant, while the latter reemerges with every new springtime. For Dewey, though, nature study was virtually synonymous with partaking in occupations out-of-doors, one of which is gardening. Not only does gardening permit students to, on the scientific side, test soil to assess how best to conserve water in arid climates or, on the practical side, to grow their own food, but it also empowers them to come into closer contact with their natural surroundings. For city dwellers, separated as they are from the flora and fauna of the countryside, renewing this vital relationship with the environment, especially unseen sources of food, is especially important. In Democracy and Education, Dewey remarked on how involvement in school gardening becomes a gateway to urban community gardening: The vegetable garden is the obvious starting point [to community gardening] for most city children; if they do not have tiny gardens in their own backyards, there is a neighbor who has, or they are interested to find out where the vegetables they eat come from and how they are grown. For Dewey, gardening is an activity that channels students native interests in all things living into a genuine appreciation of, and even a scientific curiosity about, their environment. No number of object-lessons, got up as object-lessons for the sake of giving information, Dewey insisted, can afford even the shadow for a substitute for acquaintance with the plants and animals of the farm and garden acquired through actual living among them and caring for them Learning about seasonal growing periods, soil chemistry and methods of cultivation could be a practical entry-point into more sophisticated studies, a way of inspiring greater theoretical interest in the biological, environmental and even the social sciences. Instead of the [technical] subject matter belonging to a peculiar study called botany, Dewey wrote, it [gardening] will then belong to life, and will find, moreover, its natural correlations with the facts of soil, animal life, and human relations. Dewey also connected gardening to food production and the practical lessons students would learn through cooking their own recently harvested ingredients. Cultural Geography, Neoliberalism and Gardening Activism Perhaps what gives gardens their political meaning are those practical features that all gardensincluding dooryard gardens, house gardens, community gardens, allotment gardens and school gardensshare in common. According to Clarissa Kimber, [a]ll . . . gardens depend on the gardeners for maintenance and are spaces made meaningful by the actions of people during the course of their everyday lives. More so than philosophers, cultural geographers have consistently explored the connections between gardening projects and political activism. For example, Lauren Baker has conducted research on Torontos Community Food-Security (CFS) movement, which is not only about gardening, but also about challenging the food system status quo (especially its corporate leaders) and securing alternative food sources (food security) for area residents (especially immigrants and the poor). Christopher Smith and Hilda Kurtz consider the controversy over New York City Mayor Giulianis plan to auction and redevelop the land occupied by 114 community gardens, describing it as a politics of scale in which garden advocates contested the fragmentation of social urban space wrought by the application of neoliberal policies. Giulianis redevelopment project exemplifies neo-liberal economic policy, or the attempt to privatize public property and, ultimately, undo Keynesian economic policies that give rise to government interventions in a free market. Poised to contest neoliberal policies at various geographical scales (local, city-wide and state-wide), members of New York Citys gardening coalition successfully stopped Giulianis ambitious plan to redevelop and auction the public land. The citys extensive network of community gardening activists, including guerrilla gardeners, prevailed. Besides describing the history, organization and tactics of gardening movements, social geographers have tracked the underlying causes and specific functions of community gardening projects and their political endeavors. Among them, Hilda Kurtz identifies patterns of urban blight, disinvestment and gentrification as well as, on a more conceptual level, the need for marginalized populations, especially immigrants and the impoverished, to redefine the meanings of community and gardening. In the U.S., from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century, vacant urban lots were converted to gardening sites to provide relief during war-time and economic crises, but disappeared when food shortages ended and government support declined. Beginning in the 1960s, planted urban lots changed from relief gardens into community gardens, as their purpose transitioned from supplementing food production to offering green spaces for neighborhood sociability . . . a more localized and more complex response to the experience of economic distress. Nativism, Growth and Gardening Politics How then do we capture the political dimension of Deweys writings on school gardening and understand them as an impetus to guerrilla gardening? One important historical point is that the school gardening and nature study movements in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were intimately associated with nativism, or the belief that immigration to the United States should be reduced or eliminated, and at a minimum, immigrants should undergo intensive assimilation. Historian Adam Rome documents this nativist impulse: Though a back-to-nature impulse was a defining characteristic of the Progressive Era, the complaints about immigrants demonstrate that some forms of closeness to nature made many Americans deeply uncomfortable. So, nature study was in many cases justified as one technique for assimilating new immigrants to a distinctly American way of interacting with nature, a way that emphasized observation and appreciation, not Old World practices such as pothunting, peasantry and peddling. While Dewey appreciated gardening and nature study as means to promote personal and collective growth, even virtue, he was no friend of the nativists. Indeed, the political dimension of his writings on school gardening emerges most noticeably in his argument that nature study and school gardens leverage the creation of community gardens: [G]ardens being used as the basis for the nature study work . . . is given a civic turn . . . [when] the value of the gardens to the child and to the neighborhood is demonstrated: to the child as a means of making money or helping his family by supplying them with vegetables, to the community in showing how gardens are means of cleaning up and beautifying the neighborhood. Children immersed in school garden projects are better equipped to convince adults that community gardening has immense practical, economic and aesthetic value. Reporting on one such project initiated at the Chicago Teachers College, and later disseminated into Chicagos public schools and local neighborhoods, Dewey notes that a large group of foreign parents came in close contact with it, discovered that it was a real force in the neighborhood, and that they could cooperate with it. In this instance, the normative force of the school garden was felt beyond the school yard, resulting in a broader movement to create and sustain community gardens. Many writings on school gardening utilize the growth of plants as a metaphor for the growth of children and community. For Dewey, the school and the school garden are microcosms for the larger community and its own gardens; as one grows, so does the other (at least we hope): The common needs and aims [of the school and community] demand a growing interchange of thought and growing unity of sympathetic feeling. Indeed, the activity of school gardening could be one instance in which Deweys somewhat ambiguous notion of growth translates into a more practical pedagogical ideal. Similar to Dewey, Mary Beth Pudup insists that the common denominator between school gardening and community gardening, or what she calls organized gardening projects, is growth: In the [gardening] discourses . . . there exists an unambiguous relationship between plants and people, and specifically between how plants, like people, grow and flourish with proper care and nurture. Conclusion: Ethical Tools for Guerrilla Gardeners In the previous discussion, I have intentionally avoided the legal dimension of guerrilla gardening and, particularly, the objection that this form of activism is indefensible on any grounds (let alone, Deweyan ones) because it involves illegal activity, namely, occupying or squatting on private property. The reason for this avoidance was to expose the more interesting ethical and political dimensions of gardening activism, particularly as practiced by guerrilla gardeners. To briefly respond to the objection, though, private property rights are not unqualified or inviolable. For instance, a person who owns a patch of land may refuse every reasonable offer by a municipal government to purchase it. The owners unwillingness to sell may not stand in the way of the governments legal right to seize the property. The municipality can condemn the property or exercise eminent domain, paying the owner the lands fair market value, when the perceived advantages to the public goodsay to build a highway or a green beltreach an acceptable threshold. Likewise, property owners only continue to have a legal right to their property on the condition that they pay property taxes. Otherwise, a government may put a lien on the property or take ownership in order to repay back taxes. While guerrilla gardeners are not government agents, and often-times the property they garden is publicly owned, they are citizens, and thus they have a prima facie claim to the property that they wish to reclaim and beautify for the public good. Having disposed of the illegality objection, I would like to consider what resources Deweyan pragmatists have to offer guerrilla gardeners. Writings on gardening, garden movements and school gardens, whether by philosophers, community studies scholars or cultural geographers, offer gardening activists, and specifically guerrilla gardeners, a rough set of ethical/conceptual tools in order to advance their cause: Gardens as moral spaces: Gardening provides the material and intellectual conditions for an entire community to flourish. According to Serenalla Iovino, the garden is in fact a moral allegory. It is a story of how humans cultivate their own potential as moral agents, taking into consideration the interests of others. While the design of a personal garden might restrict benefits to a single family, community gardens offer more people greater access to food, nutritious meals, physical activity and, as a result, greater physical and mental health. The emphasis is on constructing spaces of discourse, in which citizen-subjects are constituted through social interaction and grassroots political activity. So, being able to relate uplifting moral narratives, particularly as a way to perpetuate garden projects and their benefits, is an important skill for the garden activist. Gardens as sources of social solidarity: Gardens can be hubs of social solidarity, bringing together poor and immigrant populations to forge common bonds, or, as in the case of some community gardens in New York City, sites of internal contestation, particularly between low-income housing advocates and gardening activists. The way to ease such intramural conflict over the relative prioritization of low-cost housing and shared gardens is to re-frame the issue. As New York City gardening activists discovered in their fight against the Giuliani administration, it is possible to defuse the either-housing-or-gardens argument by suggesting a third option: housing and gardens. According to Smith and Kurtz, [g]arden advocates did not deny the housing shortage; rather, they insisted that the city needs both housing and gardens as complementary elements of a healthy city. Indeed, the error in this either-or argument is familiar to both the philosopher, as the fallacy of bifurcation, and the policy analyst, as a Hobsons choice. Whether the garden activist looks to the philosopher, the policy analyst or the example of New York Citys garden activists, the correction is to re-frame the issue to include a third (conjunctive) option. Gardens as inter-generational bridges: Gardens offer spaces for adults and children to deliberate, socialize and transfer ideas from one generation to the next. Narrative and discourse within the garden environment always start in media res, but they disseminate valuable insights to later generations of community gardeners and gardening activists. The same is true of the school garden. As Dewey illustrated in his school design, a school should not only be connected to a garden, but should also have a central area in which children and adults can deliberate. Read together, Deweys and Pudups treatments of school gardening suggest that involvement in school gardening represents a metaphorical gateway to participation in community gardening and politically-motivated garden activism, specifically guerrilla gardening. In this way, too, school gardens function as inter-generational bridges. Gardens as sites of political contestation: Organized garden projects can become sites of political protest, opportunities for people who have been previously marginalized to formulate alternative discourses and to partake in communities of interest that push back against more powerful interests. After describing the dispute between New York City community gardeners and the Guiliani administration, Pudup discloses the normative significance of gardens as sites of political contestation and resistance: Under such conditions, urban community gardens claim [that] their very existence signifies resistance: resistance defines the space because something other than growing food and flowers could or really should be taking place there. Indeed, gardeners whose interests are similarly affected form what Dewey called publics and Nancy Fraser refers to a subaltern counterpublics, resisting hegemonic actors and government policies that would destroy or privatize public gardens. While the politics of gardening has more resonance for Pudup than for Dewey, Deweys school garden writings still have political implications that contemporary commentators overlook at their peril. Dewey detached school gardening and nature study from the nativists tool-kit, portraying them as channels to more enriching adult experiences, not as techniques for assimilating immigrant children to a distinctly American way of life. One of those experiences that school gardening can prepare children for is environmental advocacy, particularly involvement in gardening movements. Dewey did not mention this collateral benefit. Nevertheless, an argument (one might even call it a Deweyan argument) can be made that gardening advocacyor, more specifically, participation in politically-motivated gardening movementsis an acceptable interpretation, or elaboration, of what Dewey meant by a civic turn to school gardening. As one guerilla gardening manifesto reads, When youre a guerilla gardener, youre an active participant in the living environment. Youre no longer content to merely react to what happens to the spaces around you. 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In Perspectives on Garden Histories, edited by M. Conan, 161-180. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1999. Notes     PAGE  PAGE 1  John Dewey and Evelyn Dewey, The Reorganization of the Curriculum, Schools of To-Morrow (1915), in John Dewey, The Collected Works of John Dewey: The Electronic Edition, ed. Larry A. Hickman (Charlottesville, VA: Intelex Corporation, 1996), MW 8:269. Citations to the Collected Works of John Dewey the conventional method, LW (Later Works) or MW (Middle Works) or EW (Early Works), volume: page number. For example, MW 9:221 refers to the Middle Works, volume 9, page 221.  Richard Reynolds, On Guerilla Gardening: A Handbook for Gardening without Boundaries (New York: Bloomsbury, 2008), 14-16.  Gardens have also received little serious treatment by environmental historians. According to Kenneth Helphand, a look at the literature of environmental history reveals that in this burgeoning realm, virtually all speak of landscape, but few speak of that most special and concentrated landscape, the garden. Leaping the Property Line: Observations on Recent American Garden History, in Perspectives on Garden Histories, edited by M. Conan (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1999), 139.  David E. Cooper, A Philosophy of Gardens (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2006), 2.  Cooper insists that despite this disproportionate attention, the significance of the garden cannot be restricted to the domain of the aesthetic. Ibid., 4.  Isis Brook, The Importance of Nature, Green Spaces, and Gardens in Human Well-Being, Ethics, Place & Environment 13 (2010): 298. Id., The Virtues of Gardening, in Gardening, Philosophy for Everyone: Cultivating Wisdom, edited by D. OBrien (Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010), 13-25.  Id.. The Importance of Nature, 304-5. Brook notes that in Gerald Durrells Corfu Trilogy four features of the childs experience of naturetime (very focused attention for long periods to observe the minutia of life), wonder (fascination with how all of nature fits together), action (a kind of engaged looking we could call experimenting) and freedom (the ability to just let him [the nature explorer] be)operate as metaphorical gateways to enriched adult experiences. Ibid., 296-8.  Ibid., 308.  Robin G. Shulze nicely captures the spirit behind the nature study movement: In the Progressive era in America . . . Nature Study took on a new life as a means of vital educational and national reform. Throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, American school children planted and tended gardens, watched polliwogs develop into frogs, tamed and bred animals, and learned to identify trees. They were encouraged, both boys and girls, to get their hands dirty. Robin G. Shulze on Prize Plants, Environmental History 8 (2003): 474. For seminal statements of the nature study approach, see Anna Botsford Comstock, Handbook of Nature Study (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1939 [1911]); John M. Coulter, Nature Study and Intellectual Culture, Science 4 (1896): 740-744; and David Starr Jordan, Nature Study and Moral Culture, Science 4 (1896): 149-156.  Kevin C. Armitage, The Nature Study Movement: The Forgotten Populizer of Americas Conservation Ethic (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2009), 115.  Dewey, Collected Works, MW 8:266. Unlike many of the movements founders, Dewey endorsed neither an exclusively sentimental nor an exclusively scientific rationale for studying nature. Some nature study advocates wanted students to develop an emotional attachment to nature solely through a close reading of literary sources, especially poetry. Responding to them, Dewey argued for increased emphasis on the study of nature through scientific method; not to the exclusion of sentimental bonds and literature, but in the interest of greater balance. In Ben Minteers estimation, Deweys enthusiasm for nature study was obviously much more than a case of fanatical science worship. The Landscape of Reform: Civic Pragmatism and Environmental Thought in America (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2006), 36. For a sample of views on what nature study is, and whether it should endorse scientific or sentimental ends, see W. J. Beal et al. What is Nature Study? Science 16 (1902): 910-913. Nature study also shares much in common with the more recent movement for greater environmental literacy. See Lisa A. Sideris, Environmental Literacy and the Lifelong Cultivation of Wonder, in Teaching Environmental Literacy: Across Campus and Across the Curriculum, edited by H. L. Reynolds, E. S. Brondizio, and J. M. Robinson (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010), 85-97.  Liberty Hyde Bailey, A Reverie of Gardens, Outlook 68 (1901): 267. Cited in Armitage, The Nature Study Movement, 111.  Gardening advocate Benjamin Marshall Davis demonstrated that soil experiments could be undertaken by school children. School Gardens for California Schools: A Manual for Teachers (Chico, CA: Publications of the State Normal School, 1905), 76-77. Nature study pioneer Anna Botsford Comstock claimed that familiarity with the kind of soil is the first step to the right treatment of it. Nature-Study and the Teaching of Elementary Agriculture. Mature Study Review 10 (1914): 6.  Dewey, Collected Works, MW 8:268.  Ibid., MW 1:8.  Ibid., MW 9:208.  For instance, at the Cottage School in Riverside, Illinois, Dewey observed that the children have a garden where they plant early and late vegetables, so they can use them for their cooking class in the spring and fall; the pupils do all the work here, plant, weed, and gather the things. Ibid., MW 8:266.  On allotment gardening, see Elizabeth A. Scott, Cockney Plots: Allotments and Grassroots Political Activism, in Gardening, Philosophy for Everyone: Cultivating Wisdom, edited by D. OBrien (Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010), 106-117.  Clarissa T. Kimber, Gardens and Dwelling: People in Vernacular Gardens. Geographical Review 94 (2004): 263.  According to Lauren Baker, over 100 gardens in the city of Toronto (Ontario, Canada) have become sites of place-based politics connected to the community food-security movement. Lauren E. Baker, Tending Cultural Landscapes and Food Citizenship in Torontos Community Gardens. Geographical Review 94 (2004): 305. Baker describes two exemplary gardens in the CFS network and concludes: The gardens [in Toronto] are examples of how groups of typically marginalized citizensimmigrants and people living on low incomesuse their neighborhood as a means of resistance, asserting their identity to reclaim space and engage in projects of citizenship. Ibid., 323.  Christopher M Smith and Hilda E. Kurtz, Community Gardens and Politics of Scale in New York City, Geographical Review 93 (2003): 193.  Mary Beth Pudup describes the conflict between New York City gardening activists and the Giuliani administration in the early 1990s, claiming that gardening in such collective settings is an unalloyed act of resistance. Mary Beth Pudup, It Takes a Garden: Cultivating Citizen-subjects in Organized Garden Projects, Geoforum 39 (2008): 1228-1240, 1232. For an analysis of recent grassroots activism aimed at undermining neo-liberal economic policies, see Nick Couldry, Why Voice Matters: Culture and Politics after Neoliberalism (Los Angeles: Sage, 2010). Smith and Kurtz document the various tactics employed by New York Citys gardening activists: First, garden activists held demonstrations in key public places in order to raise awareness about the struggles of community gardens in New York City and gain valuable news coverage. Second, activists linked the struggle to save gardens with other political struggles and took part in preplanned political events sponsored by non-garden-related organizations. Third, activists used the Internet as a resource for broadening the scope of the struggle and encouraged support from extralocal audiences. Fourth, the garden coalition built on this extension of the spaces of engagement to use formal channels such as lawsuits to stop the auction. Fifth, garden advocates built . . . social networks to raise funds that were to be used to purchase the gardens had the auction taken place. Smith and Kurtz, Community Gardens and Politics, 205-206.  Hilda E. Kurtz, Differentiating Multiple Meanings of Garden and Community, Urban Geography 22 (2001): 656.  Ibid., 658.  Ibid. In a study of the Loisiada gardens in the Lower East Side of Manhattan, Karen Schmelzkopf specifies various functions that gardening fulfills, such as socializing youth and providing healthy food in a poor, crime-infested area of New York City. Karen Schmelzkopf, Urban Community Gardens as Contested Space. Geographical Review 85 (1995): 364-381. In this way, the gardens encourage social and economic solidarity. Yet, with a shortage of housing for the areas poor, community gardens have also become sites of political contestation, not just between advocates of neo-liberal economic policies and gardening activists, but also between low-income housing activists and their gardening counterparts. Schmelzkopf writes: Several of the large gardens have become politically contested spaces, and conflicting community needs have led to a dilemma of whether to develop the land for low-income and market-rate housing or to preserve the gardens. Ibid., 364. As part of his administrations failed policy of selling off the land occupied by New York Citys immense network of community gardens, Giuliani unsuccessfully attempted to exploit this weakness within the gardening movement. Smith and Kurtz, Community Gardens and Politics, 204.  Adam Rome, Nature Wars, Culture Wars: Immigration and Environmental Reform in the Progressive Era. Environmental History 13 (2008): 434.  According to Community Studies scholar Pudup, the early twentieth-century discourse around community gardening also became a means for cultivating a strong work ethic and steady work habits . . . [in] those new Americans [or recent immigrants]. Pudup, It Takes a Garden, 1230.  Dewey would have been familiar with the view, common among progressive reformers, that school and community gardening in urban areas helped cultivate the virtues associated with the rural living, especially farming (hard work, thrifty, etc.). Environmental historian Kevin Armitage writes: Many supporters of urban gardens viewed gardeners, especially school gardeners, as little farmers, thus bringing the virtues of rural labor to urban denizens. For progressives, so appalled by the corrupt and debasing features of industrial society, the tenets of agrarianism seemed, by comparison, not merely benign but laudable. The Nature Study Movement, 172.  Dewey, Collected Works, MW 8:269.  Ibid., MW 8:271.  A nice example of the growth metaphor can be found in an early work on school gardens by M. Louise Greene: The garden is becoming the outer classroom of the school, and its plots are its blackboards. The garden is not an innovation, or an excrescence, or an addendum, or a diversion. It is a happy field of expression, an organic part of the school in which the boys and girls work among growing things and grow themselves in body and mind and spiritual outlook. A competing metaphor is that of wedding technology and nature, or the machine in the garden. Among School Gardens (New York: Charities Publication Committee, 1910), 18. Also, see Leo Marx, The Machine in the Garden (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964).  Dewey, Collected Works, MW 1:10.  On the ambiguity in Deweys notion of growth, see my A More Practical Pedagogical Ideal: Search for a Criterion of Deweyan Growth Educational Theory, vol. 61, no. 3 (July 2011).  Pudup, It Takes a Garden, 1235.  Serenalla Iovino, The Garden as a Moral Space, in Cultural Landscapes: Proceedings of the Third Biennial Conference of the European Association of the Study of Literature, Culture and Environment, edited by C. F. Juquern and S. Alonso (Alcala de Henares, Spain: Universidad de Alcala, 2010), 278.  For empirical evidence of these benefits, see Sarah Wakefield et al.s study of community gardens in Toronto, Canada. Based on a series of focus groups and personal interviews, they conclude that [c]ommunity gardens were seen to contribute to improved nutrition among gardeners and their families. In addition, the opportunity for physical activity that gardening presented was seen as beneficial to health, especially for the elderly. For many, being part of a community garden was stress-relieving, and was thought to contribute to improved mental health. Growing Urban Health: Community Gardening in South-East Toronto, Health Promotion International 22 (2007): 100.  Pudup, It Takes a Garden, 1232.  Smith and Kurtz, Community Gardens and Politics, 204.  Dewey, Collected Works, MW 1:50-51.  Pudup, It Takes a Garden, 1232.  Dewey, Collected Works, LW 2:255. Nancy Fraser, Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy, in Habermas and the Public Sphere, edited by C. Calhoun (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992), 123.  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